How Foreign Aid Builds Soft Power: The Peer-Reviewed Evidence for Health Diplomacy

A USAID-branded crate of medical supplies being unloaded at a rural health outpost with local workers and an American flag visible

Does Foreign Health Aid Actually Improve How the World Sees the United States?

Yes. A peer-reviewed study published in the American Journal of Public Health found that populations in countries receiving the highest levels of U.S. health aid were 18 percentage points more likely to hold a very favorable opinion of the United States compared to countries receiving the least. Notably, aid for governance, infrastructure, humanitarian, and military purposes did not produce the same effect.

The concept of soft power, using cooperation and goodwill rather than coercion to build influence, has been part of international relations theory for decades. But the question of whether it actually works, whether spending money on health programs in other countries measurably improves how those populations view the United States, had relatively little empirical evidence behind it until recently. This article examines the peer-reviewed research that has changed that, and what it means in the context of the recent dismantling of USAID.

This article accompanies Episode 40 of The Dr Kumar Discovery, in which Dr. Kumar and Keith Hourihan discuss the role of soft power in U.S. foreign policy and the real-world impact of USAID programs across more than 130 countries.

Dr. Kumar’s Take

Both Keith and I are former Peace Corps volunteers, so we have seen soft power work firsthand. But what makes this Stanford research so compelling is that it puts real numbers on it. Health aid, specifically, increased favorable views of America by 18 percentage points. Military aid did not. Governance aid did not. Infrastructure aid did not. Only health. That tells you something profound about human nature: people remember who helped them when they were sick, when their children were dying, when no one else showed up. USAID did that in over 130 countries, and the data shows it built genuine goodwill. The decision to dismantle that program is not just a humanitarian loss. It is a strategic one.

The Stanford Study: Health Aid and Global Perceptions

The most rigorous study on this topic was published in May 2019 in the American Journal of Public Health by researchers at Stanford University. The study was led by Aleksandra Jakubowski, with co-authors Don Mai and Steven Asch, and senior author Eran Bendavid.

The research team analyzed 258 Pew Global Attitudes surveys encompassing more than 260,000 respondents across 45 developing nations from 2002 to 2016. They cross-referenced these survey responses with detailed U.S. foreign aid disbursement data across multiple categories: health, governance, infrastructure, humanitarian, and military assistance.

The central finding was striking: every additional $100 million in U.S. health aid was associated with a nearly 5.7 percentage-point increase in the probability of respondents saying they had a “very favorable” opinion of the United States. Countries receiving the highest levels of health aid showed favorability ratings 18 percentage points higher than countries receiving the least.

What made this finding especially noteworthy was what did not work. Aid directed toward governance, infrastructure, humanitarian operations, and military purposes showed no statistically significant association with improved perceptions of the United States. Health aid was uniquely effective.

Why Health Aid Works Differently

The researchers identified four conditions that appear to be necessary for foreign aid to translate into soft power:

  1. The aid must be perceived as largely altruistic. Health programs, particularly those targeting infectious diseases and child mortality, tend to be viewed as genuinely humanitarian rather than politically motivated.

  2. The U.S. role must be visible. Programs like PEPFAR prominently branded their work with the USAID logo and the phrase “From the American People,” ensuring that recipients knew where the help was coming from.

  3. The aid must be effective at achieving its objectives. Health programs with measurable outcomes, such as reduced mortality rates and expanded treatment access, provide tangible evidence of impact.

  4. The aid must align with the recipient country’s priorities. Health needs are nearly universal in developing nations, making health aid less politically contentious than governance or democracy promotion programs.

Keith Hourihan described this dynamic from his own experience in the podcast, noting that USAID-branded bags of rice, cartons of medicine, and medical equipment were visible throughout the countries where programs operated. He observed that this visibility created genuine goodwill toward the United States and fostered international cooperation.

The Strategic Value of Health Diplomacy

The academic literature on health diplomacy extends well beyond the Stanford study. A 2010 analysis published in PLoS Medicine by Feldbaum and Michaud, titled “Health Diplomacy and the Enduring Relevance of Foreign Policy Interests,” examined how health has become an increasingly important tool in international relations. The authors found that health diplomacy can serve as a bridge in contexts where traditional diplomatic channels are limited or strained.

Research published in The Lancet in 2022 by Kickbusch, Liu, and colleagues, “Global health diplomacy: reconstructing power and governance,” documented how health cooperation has been used to build trust between nations, facilitate peace negotiations, and strengthen multilateral institutions. The World Health Organization has formally encouraged the use of health diplomacy as a mechanism for conflict resolution and political neutrality.

The implications are significant. When the United States invests in global health, it is not simply providing charity. It is building a network of goodwill, trust, and cooperation that serves American strategic interests for decades. Former military leaders have consistently supported foreign aid on these grounds, arguing that development assistance reduces the conditions that give rise to instability, extremism, and conflict.

What Is Lost When Health Diplomacy Ends

The dismantling of USAID and the reduction of foreign health aid represent a measurable loss of soft power. According to the OECD, U.S. development assistance fell by 56.9% in 2025, and total international development aid declined by 23.1%, the largest drop in recorded history.

The Stanford research suggests that these cuts will have consequences beyond mortality and disease burden. As health programs disappear, so does the visible evidence of American generosity and competence. In the vacuum left by the U.S. withdrawal, other nations, including China and Russia, have expanded their own development programs, building the kind of influence that the United States spent decades cultivating.

Practical Takeaways

  • Peer-reviewed research from Stanford found that U.S. health aid was uniquely effective at improving global perceptions of the United States, with each additional $100 million associated with a 5.7 percentage-point increase in “very favorable” ratings.
  • Military, governance, humanitarian, and infrastructure aid did not produce the same effect on public opinion, suggesting that health aid operates through a distinct psychological and social mechanism.
  • The withdrawal of U.S. health aid represents not only a humanitarian cost but a strategic loss, as decades of accumulated goodwill and influence built through health programs are at risk of being replaced by competing powers.

FAQs

Does foreign aid really make people like the United States more?

According to the Stanford study published in the American Journal of Public Health, the answer is yes, but only when the aid is health-related. The researchers found that populations receiving the highest levels of U.S. health aid were 18 percentage points more likely to hold very favorable views of the United States. Importantly, other types of aid, including military and governance assistance, did not produce the same effect.

How does health diplomacy compare to military spending as a foreign policy tool?

The two serve different purposes but are often compared in terms of cost-effectiveness. USAID’s entire annual budget was approximately $23 billion, less than 1% of the federal budget. The Department of Defense spent $93.4 billion in a single month in September 2025. Research suggests that health diplomacy builds durable goodwill and cooperation, while military presence can generate resentment in some contexts. Many former military leaders have publicly supported maintaining foreign health aid as a complement to defense spending.

Can other countries fill the soft power gap left by the U.S.?

China has significantly expanded its development assistance in recent years, particularly in Africa and Southeast Asia. The Stanford research suggests that health programs are the most effective vehicle for building favorable perceptions, and countries that step in to provide health services in the vacuum left by the U.S. withdrawal could capture the goodwill that American programs previously generated. This represents a long-term strategic concern that extends well beyond the immediate humanitarian impact.

Bottom Line

The peer-reviewed evidence is clear that health aid is uniquely effective at building soft power and improving global perceptions of the United States. The Stanford study of 260,000 respondents across 45 nations found that only health aid, not military, governance, or infrastructure aid, was associated with more favorable views. The dismantling of USAID and the reduction of health programs mean the United States is losing not just a humanitarian tool but a proven strategic asset that took decades to build.

Listen to the full conversation on Episode 40 of The Dr Kumar Discovery.

Sources:

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